by Akilah Monifa
Sunday, June 4, 2000
SPORTS IS the modern opiate of the people. Like all good drugs, it provides a satisfying boost to its users (both participants and spectators) and huge money to its owners. A compelling spectacle, sports promotes the cherished American ideal of intense competition on a level playing field where race nor gender matter. Sports heroes, language and images saturate U.S. culture, presenting a model of race, gender and sexual roles.
The WNBA has kicked off its fourth preseason in the dust of the now-defunct American Basketball League. In women's sports, sexual preference -- not race -- is the big taboo for corporate marketing. As Christine Grant, University of Iowa's athletic director was quoted in the News and Observer in Raleigh, N.C.: ``Homophobia in women's sports is like the McCarthyism of the 1950s. The fear is paralyzing.''
Just take a look at the WNBA's promotional ``femming up'' campaign to avoid even a question about the sexual orientation of the players or women coaches. In a magazine article, Dot Richardson of the 1996 Olympic softball team complained that because she was an athlete, people thought she must be a lesbian.
Pat Griffin, author of ``Strong Women, Deep Closets: Lesbians and Homophobia in Sports,'' writes, ``Somehow lesbians have become the scapegoats for problems in women's sports.'' According to a 1994 NCAA study, 49 percent of female athletes and 51 percent of female coaches said they felt homophobia was a hindrance to attracting and retaining women in athletic careers. In professional sports, it's OK to be a lesbian, just not OK to be out. Some college coaches use homophobia to steer straight players to their ``family friendly'' teams and away from teams known to be tolerant of lesbians.
Now, for the first time since ``Personal Best,'' there is a movie about women in sports. ``Love and Basketball'' tells the parallel story of two basketball players, a boy and a girl who meet at age 11 when they become next door neighbors. Told in four quarters from 1981 to the beginning of the WNBA, ``Love'' mirrors the issues faced by professional women athletes. The tomboy and lesbian accusations. The notion that women aren't as good athletes as men. The limited opportunities for women in terms of professional sports even with the WNBA. The inequities in college opportunities despite Title IX. The lack of commercial endorsements and salary inequities in professional sports based on gender.
Women are still conflicted with attempting to balance personal and family relationships with their sports careers. If sports is a metaphor for life, the very attributes that are admired in male athletes are disdained in female athletes. But not all women/girls have stereotypical values and interests. When the lead female character in ``Love and Basketball'' attends her senior spring dance, her mind wanders when making out with her date. She is trying to concentrate and remember how many offensive rebounds she got in the championship game.
When the characters in the movie first met at age 11, Monica's dream is to be the first woman to play in the NBA. Her male counterpart tells her that he will be the one to play in the NBA and she'll be his cheerleader. Made sense at the time. And still does today. The reality of a women players or coaches in the NBA is not on the horizon. But then again, the WNBA was not something that folks thought would happen and thrive. In the movie, the characters' parallel lives diverge when in their freshman year at the University of Southern California, the guy drops out and is drafted in the NBA. The woman graduates, at first plays professionally in Europe and then finally in the WNBA. The guy gets bounced around in the NBA and eventually sustains what is probably a career-ending injury in that he tears a knee ligament. In the end, it is he who is the courtside cheerleader and stay-at-home dad with baby in tow, cheering on mom, who is playing for the Los Angeles Sparks.
But then again, that's Hollywood. Although it has been said that a male athlete has better odds of being struck by lightning than becoming a professional, what then are the odds of becoming a professional female athlete?
Big money is involved, for players, corporations, colleges and cities. Gender inequities abound. Who will break the silence?
Akilah Monifa is a free-lance writer in Oakland.
Page ED - 9 URL: http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2000/06/04/ED52558.DTL
Sunday, June 4, 2000
Sunday, March 12, 2000
`Blackout' Leaves African Americans With Few Choices
by AKILAH MONIFA
Sunday, March 12, 2000
BLACKS ARE BEING ignored in the 2000 presidential race by both major parties.
February may have been Black History Month in America, but not on the campaign trail. Until now, African Americans could count on politicians at least feigning interest in our issues once every four years. But as we enter the 21st century, with the economic disparity between African Americans and other citizens looming as large as ever, I wonder why we are seeing a Y2K ``blackout'' on the issues of greatest importance to our community.
According to the League of Women Voters, Ambassador Alan Keyes, the only African American in the race, is the only one with a statement on affirmative action. Keyes, of course, is against it.
Only Sen. John McCain has a position paper on work-family issues, another area of interest for many African American voters.
Perhaps the Democrats think the black vote is a fait accompli. In the last three presidential elections, nearly nine out of 10 African Americans have voted Democratic.
Meanwhile, Republicans are busy courting the Latino vote. For the first time, Latino voters are being blitzed with a multimillion-dollar bilingual ad campaign launched by the Republican National Committee.
In 1996, 44 percent of Latinos voted, compared with 53 percent of African Americans and 60 percent of whites, according to Census Bureau data.
Yet the popularly held theory is that whoever wins the Latino vote in California will win the presidency. And 40 percent of new voters in California are Latino. Even the Rev. Jesse Jackson has been conspicuously absent this election season. In past elections, we could count on him to be an outspoken player and advocate for our issues, regardless of whether he was running. But this time it seems he has also abandoned us in party politics.
The Associated Press reported that Jackson and his son Jesse Jackson Jr. (D.-Ill.) are withholding endorsements in exchange for a Democratic presidential candidate's promise to support a third Chicago-area airport near the younger Jackson's district.
That leaves African Americans in a political black hole, as candidates scramble for other voters of color to get them over the hump. Once catered to and wooed -- at least at election time -- African Americans are, for the most part, being ignored. We are out; Latinos are in.
This new form of neglect comes at a time when African Americans still experience unequal opportunities, despite state and federal legislation. A digital divide looms between white people and people of color: Only five African Americans and one Latino sit on the boards of companies in Silicon Valley, according to a 1999 survey by the Coalition for Fair Employment in Silicon Valley.
Taxicabs still often refuse to stop for African American men. Racial profiling by police abounds as we drive, shop and live.
Employment discrimination is widespread, including in the arts. On television, actors of color remain virtually absent despite agreements last year between the NAACP and several networks to increase the involvement of people of color in front of the camera and behind the scenes.
In the past five years, while much of America has been riding a wave of Silicon Valley-inspired prosperity, a University of Michigan study found that the average African American household's net worth decreased from $8,400 to $7,500.
By contrast, the net worth of the median American household increased 9 percent, to $59,000.
In his famous ``I Have a Dream'' speech, the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. said African Americans were living ``on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.''
Thirty-seven years after King's speech, it seems we are still on that lonely island. Given the extraordinarily slow rate of progress, all presidential candidates should be addressing the issues and proposing solutions. But they aren't.
If King's dream is to become a reality, America needs leadership. And leadership begins with presidential candidates who must acknowledge the concerns of African Americans and propose solutions in their platforms. The only way to end a ``blackout'' is to shed light on the issues.
Akilah Monifa is an Oakland freelance writer.
Page SC - 7 URL: http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2000/03/12/SC97487.DTL
Sunday, March 12, 2000
BLACKS ARE BEING ignored in the 2000 presidential race by both major parties.
February may have been Black History Month in America, but not on the campaign trail. Until now, African Americans could count on politicians at least feigning interest in our issues once every four years. But as we enter the 21st century, with the economic disparity between African Americans and other citizens looming as large as ever, I wonder why we are seeing a Y2K ``blackout'' on the issues of greatest importance to our community.
According to the League of Women Voters, Ambassador Alan Keyes, the only African American in the race, is the only one with a statement on affirmative action. Keyes, of course, is against it.
Only Sen. John McCain has a position paper on work-family issues, another area of interest for many African American voters.
Perhaps the Democrats think the black vote is a fait accompli. In the last three presidential elections, nearly nine out of 10 African Americans have voted Democratic.
Meanwhile, Republicans are busy courting the Latino vote. For the first time, Latino voters are being blitzed with a multimillion-dollar bilingual ad campaign launched by the Republican National Committee.
In 1996, 44 percent of Latinos voted, compared with 53 percent of African Americans and 60 percent of whites, according to Census Bureau data.
Yet the popularly held theory is that whoever wins the Latino vote in California will win the presidency. And 40 percent of new voters in California are Latino. Even the Rev. Jesse Jackson has been conspicuously absent this election season. In past elections, we could count on him to be an outspoken player and advocate for our issues, regardless of whether he was running. But this time it seems he has also abandoned us in party politics.
The Associated Press reported that Jackson and his son Jesse Jackson Jr. (D.-Ill.) are withholding endorsements in exchange for a Democratic presidential candidate's promise to support a third Chicago-area airport near the younger Jackson's district.
That leaves African Americans in a political black hole, as candidates scramble for other voters of color to get them over the hump. Once catered to and wooed -- at least at election time -- African Americans are, for the most part, being ignored. We are out; Latinos are in.
This new form of neglect comes at a time when African Americans still experience unequal opportunities, despite state and federal legislation. A digital divide looms between white people and people of color: Only five African Americans and one Latino sit on the boards of companies in Silicon Valley, according to a 1999 survey by the Coalition for Fair Employment in Silicon Valley.
Taxicabs still often refuse to stop for African American men. Racial profiling by police abounds as we drive, shop and live.
Employment discrimination is widespread, including in the arts. On television, actors of color remain virtually absent despite agreements last year between the NAACP and several networks to increase the involvement of people of color in front of the camera and behind the scenes.
In the past five years, while much of America has been riding a wave of Silicon Valley-inspired prosperity, a University of Michigan study found that the average African American household's net worth decreased from $8,400 to $7,500.
By contrast, the net worth of the median American household increased 9 percent, to $59,000.
In his famous ``I Have a Dream'' speech, the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. said African Americans were living ``on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.''
Thirty-seven years after King's speech, it seems we are still on that lonely island. Given the extraordinarily slow rate of progress, all presidential candidates should be addressing the issues and proposing solutions. But they aren't.
If King's dream is to become a reality, America needs leadership. And leadership begins with presidential candidates who must acknowledge the concerns of African Americans and propose solutions in their platforms. The only way to end a ``blackout'' is to shed light on the issues.
Akilah Monifa is an Oakland freelance writer.
Page SC - 7 URL: http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2000/03/12/SC97487.DTL
Friday, December 25, 1998
KWANZAA: IT'S NOT ABOUT CHRISTMAS
By Akilah Monifa
Many questions surround Kwanzaa, a holiday celebrating the roots of African-American history. Here are some answers.
10. Kwanzaa. Isn't that the African-American Christmas?
A lot of people assume that Kwanzaa was intended to replace Christmas. But the celebration has nothing to do with Christmas. Its purpose is to promote unity among African-Americans, as well as an understanding of our cultural roots. It was started in 1966 by Dr. Maulena Karenga, professor and chairman of black studies at California State University at Long Beach. The holiday is based on the cultures of Yorubas, Ibos, Ashantis, Zulus and other African tribes.
9. How long is Kwanzaa?
The celebration runs for seven days, from December 26 to January 1, and focuses on one principle each day: unity, self-determination, collective work, cooperative economics, purpose, creativity and faith.
8. What religion do you have to be to celebrate Kwanzaa?
Kwanzaa is not a religious holiday. It is celebrated by people of many faiths, as well as those who do not embrace any religion.
7. Why do people celebrate Kwanzaa?
Kwanzaa is sometimes criticized because it is a new holiday and lacks the historic roots of Hanukkah and Christmas, two prominent December holidays. But African-Americans' history in this country is relatively short--particularly our history as a free people. People celebrate Kwanzaa for a variety of reasons: to pay homage to our ancestors, for hope and faith, and for renewal and pride.
6. Doesn't Kwanzaa use a menorah or candelabrum?
A kinara (seven-branched candleholder) is used in Kwanzaa celebrations. Some confuse it with a menorah, which is used in Hanukkah celebrations. "Candelabrum" is a generic name for a branched candlestick. Menorah and kinara are two types of candelabra.
5. What colors are associated with Kwanzaa?
Red, for the blood of our people, not shed in vain; green, representing hope; and black, for the faces of our people.
4. Is celebrating Kwanzaa tantamount to supporting black nationalism or separatism?
None of Kwanzaa's principles calls for nationalism or separatism. This myth probably originated because Karenga, the holiday's founder, was a militant activist in the 1960s.
3. Is Kwanzaa recognized as a state holiday anywhere?
No. But last year the United States Postal Service honored Kwanzaa with a postage stamp.
2. How many people celebrate Kwanzaa?
About 18 million people celebrate Kwanzaa.
And the number-one question folks want answered about Kwanzaa but are afraid to ask:
1. Can white people who are not of African descent participate in a Kwanzaa celebration?
The short answer is yes. American society is becoming increasingly racially and ethnically diverse. But cultural sensitivity is always appropriate. More and more of us have mixed ethnic backgrounds. It is important, though, to remember that a big part of the holiday is creating community among African-Americans.
When invited, I go to cultural and religious celebrations that are not part of my cultural or religious heritage. I participate in a way that is comfortable for my host and for me. It would be arrogant of me, a non-Jew, to dominate a Seder or Hanukkah celebration, for example. People who are not of African descent should approach Kwanzaa with the same attitude.
A proverb often quoted during Kwanzaa reads: "I am because we are; because we are, I am." Harambee! (Let's pull together!)
Many questions surround Kwanzaa, a holiday celebrating the roots of African-American history. Here are some answers.
10. Kwanzaa. Isn't that the African-American Christmas?
A lot of people assume that Kwanzaa was intended to replace Christmas. But the celebration has nothing to do with Christmas. Its purpose is to promote unity among African-Americans, as well as an understanding of our cultural roots. It was started in 1966 by Dr. Maulena Karenga, professor and chairman of black studies at California State University at Long Beach. The holiday is based on the cultures of Yorubas, Ibos, Ashantis, Zulus and other African tribes.
9. How long is Kwanzaa?
The celebration runs for seven days, from December 26 to January 1, and focuses on one principle each day: unity, self-determination, collective work, cooperative economics, purpose, creativity and faith.
8. What religion do you have to be to celebrate Kwanzaa?
Kwanzaa is not a religious holiday. It is celebrated by people of many faiths, as well as those who do not embrace any religion.
7. Why do people celebrate Kwanzaa?
Kwanzaa is sometimes criticized because it is a new holiday and lacks the historic roots of Hanukkah and Christmas, two prominent December holidays. But African-Americans' history in this country is relatively short--particularly our history as a free people. People celebrate Kwanzaa for a variety of reasons: to pay homage to our ancestors, for hope and faith, and for renewal and pride.
6. Doesn't Kwanzaa use a menorah or candelabrum?
A kinara (seven-branched candleholder) is used in Kwanzaa celebrations. Some confuse it with a menorah, which is used in Hanukkah celebrations. "Candelabrum" is a generic name for a branched candlestick. Menorah and kinara are two types of candelabra.
5. What colors are associated with Kwanzaa?
Red, for the blood of our people, not shed in vain; green, representing hope; and black, for the faces of our people.
4. Is celebrating Kwanzaa tantamount to supporting black nationalism or separatism?
None of Kwanzaa's principles calls for nationalism or separatism. This myth probably originated because Karenga, the holiday's founder, was a militant activist in the 1960s.
3. Is Kwanzaa recognized as a state holiday anywhere?
No. But last year the United States Postal Service honored Kwanzaa with a postage stamp.
2. How many people celebrate Kwanzaa?
About 18 million people celebrate Kwanzaa.
And the number-one question folks want answered about Kwanzaa but are afraid to ask:
1. Can white people who are not of African descent participate in a Kwanzaa celebration?
The short answer is yes. American society is becoming increasingly racially and ethnically diverse. But cultural sensitivity is always appropriate. More and more of us have mixed ethnic backgrounds. It is important, though, to remember that a big part of the holiday is creating community among African-Americans.
When invited, I go to cultural and religious celebrations that are not part of my cultural or religious heritage. I participate in a way that is comfortable for my host and for me. It would be arrogant of me, a non-Jew, to dominate a Seder or Hanukkah celebration, for example. People who are not of African descent should approach Kwanzaa with the same attitude.
A proverb often quoted during Kwanzaa reads: "I am because we are; because we are, I am." Harambee! (Let's pull together!)
Thursday, April 23, 1998
Don't drive while black
By Akilah Monifa
Most folks are familiar with the acronym DWI, driving while intoxicated, but not DWB, driving while black.
Take Aaron Campbell, an African-American police officer from Miami, whose arrest and recent trial have drawn some media attention. Campbell was off-duty when he was stopped in Orlando, Fla., in January 1997. The state says that Campbell failed to signal a lane change. The officer who stopped Campbell was white.
Campbell screamed and swore at the officer. He was subsequently arrested and charged with five counts of battery and resisting arrest. At trial, Campbell said that the initial stop was illegal since he said he had put on his signal when changing lanes. He said he was guilty only of the unwritten crime of DWB.
Earlier this month, a jury found him not guilty of four counts and guilty of a misdemeanor count of resisting arrest.
DWB is a common charge.
A recent Orlando Sentinel survey reveals that African Americans constitute 16 percent of the drivers on the Florida turnpike but account for more than 50 percent of the traffic stops. A Maryland study of Interstate 95 between Baltimore and Delaware shows that 73 percent of traffic stops were of African Americans, though that group comprised only 14 percent of all drivers on the highway.
Surveys also show that lighter-skinned blacks don't get stopped as often. "Nightline" recently devoted a two-part series to the issues of crime and being black in America. A major issue discussed was that of DWB. Former prosecutor Christopher Darden, now at Southwestern School of Law, stated that he has been stopped at least once annually since getting his driver's license in 1972 _ not for committing any traffic violation but apparently for driving through a predominately white neighborhood, or in a fancy car.
"They can't stop someone solely because of their race, but in most of these situations, it seems that the dominant characteristic or factor is the motorist's race," said Darden.
It's not limited to driving. Another crime is SWB, shopping while black: Those of us of a darker hue get closer scrutiny while shopping.
We are suspects solely because of skin color. Let's have a real dialogue about that.
Most folks are familiar with the acronym DWI, driving while intoxicated, but not DWB, driving while black.
Take Aaron Campbell, an African-American police officer from Miami, whose arrest and recent trial have drawn some media attention. Campbell was off-duty when he was stopped in Orlando, Fla., in January 1997. The state says that Campbell failed to signal a lane change. The officer who stopped Campbell was white.
Campbell screamed and swore at the officer. He was subsequently arrested and charged with five counts of battery and resisting arrest. At trial, Campbell said that the initial stop was illegal since he said he had put on his signal when changing lanes. He said he was guilty only of the unwritten crime of DWB.
Earlier this month, a jury found him not guilty of four counts and guilty of a misdemeanor count of resisting arrest.
DWB is a common charge.
A recent Orlando Sentinel survey reveals that African Americans constitute 16 percent of the drivers on the Florida turnpike but account for more than 50 percent of the traffic stops. A Maryland study of Interstate 95 between Baltimore and Delaware shows that 73 percent of traffic stops were of African Americans, though that group comprised only 14 percent of all drivers on the highway.
Surveys also show that lighter-skinned blacks don't get stopped as often. "Nightline" recently devoted a two-part series to the issues of crime and being black in America. A major issue discussed was that of DWB. Former prosecutor Christopher Darden, now at Southwestern School of Law, stated that he has been stopped at least once annually since getting his driver's license in 1972 _ not for committing any traffic violation but apparently for driving through a predominately white neighborhood, or in a fancy car.
"They can't stop someone solely because of their race, but in most of these situations, it seems that the dominant characteristic or factor is the motorist's race," said Darden.
It's not limited to driving. Another crime is SWB, shopping while black: Those of us of a darker hue get closer scrutiny while shopping.
We are suspects solely because of skin color. Let's have a real dialogue about that.
Tuesday, January 13, 1998
What Martin Luther King Day means to me
By Akilah Monifa
Martin Luther King Day is much more than a holiday.
I often wonder what those who didn't know the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. think of the man and the holiday. I don't have that problem.
I am a 41-year-old African-American woman who grew up in Huntsville, Ala. My parents strategized and marched with King. I learned about civil disobedience and protests from them when I was 4 years old. I heard them talk of engaging in sit-ins at segregated lunch counters. And they explained to me that we would not be buying new clothes from the segregated stores in town on Easter because King, in conjunction with the local churches, had organized a boycott. If we couldn't shop at these stores by entering the front door, then we wouldn't patronize them.
Easter clothes and accouterments were a very big deal among a lot of African Americans in the South. It was the time when we put on our finest clothes. We all got entirely new outfits _ the whole regalia, including underwear, shoes, purses, hats and gloves.
So it was a very big deal to forgo this. In fact, the organizing strategy was to wear blue jeans that Easter Sunday in 1962. Now, little black girls did not wear pants to church anywhere in the 1960s, much less jeans. But it was a visible way to demonstrate our outrage with stores that discriminated against us based on race. King knew that this would be a hard sell in the black community, but he also understood that it was essential.
I never met King, but my father so vividly described the meetings and organizing sessions around the boycott that in my young mind I had met the great man. Plus, in a lot of black homes in the 1960s there were three pictures hanging on the walls: Jesus Christ, John F. Kennedy and the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.
My father, just three years younger than King, spoke of him both as a good friend and as a genius. His oratory skills were legendary and I'm not simply speaking of his oft-quoted "I Have a Dream" speech. If there was an opportunity to hear King preach, you took that opportunity. His down-home preaching was so good that it made you want to holler and fan yourself at the same time.
I wonder what King, who would have been 70 this year, would make of the country in 1999? He would notice the national holiday and all of the streets named after him, but I imagine he would not be impressed. King was a man of substance. Stamps, holidays and streets were not in his master plan.
King advocated for diversity, for an end to discrimination. His "dream" has not come to fruition. But neither are we in the nightmare that some might suggest. A lot of people simply "talk the talk" rather than "walk the walk" around the diversity King dreamed of. Many of us spend the majority of our time with people who look like us rather than those who may reflect the diversity of which we speak.
So, I will honor the anniversary of King's birth as I did even in the years before it became a federal holiday. I will shed tears over the loss of a great man and a philosopher. I will rue the lack of knowledge that most have of his life and legacy. And I will offer a not-so-silent prayer that the best way to honor King is by listening or reading some of his speeches and by "walking the walk" of diversity. Actions do speak louder than words.
Martin Luther King Day is much more than a holiday.
I often wonder what those who didn't know the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. think of the man and the holiday. I don't have that problem.
I am a 41-year-old African-American woman who grew up in Huntsville, Ala. My parents strategized and marched with King. I learned about civil disobedience and protests from them when I was 4 years old. I heard them talk of engaging in sit-ins at segregated lunch counters. And they explained to me that we would not be buying new clothes from the segregated stores in town on Easter because King, in conjunction with the local churches, had organized a boycott. If we couldn't shop at these stores by entering the front door, then we wouldn't patronize them.
Easter clothes and accouterments were a very big deal among a lot of African Americans in the South. It was the time when we put on our finest clothes. We all got entirely new outfits _ the whole regalia, including underwear, shoes, purses, hats and gloves.
So it was a very big deal to forgo this. In fact, the organizing strategy was to wear blue jeans that Easter Sunday in 1962. Now, little black girls did not wear pants to church anywhere in the 1960s, much less jeans. But it was a visible way to demonstrate our outrage with stores that discriminated against us based on race. King knew that this would be a hard sell in the black community, but he also understood that it was essential.
I never met King, but my father so vividly described the meetings and organizing sessions around the boycott that in my young mind I had met the great man. Plus, in a lot of black homes in the 1960s there were three pictures hanging on the walls: Jesus Christ, John F. Kennedy and the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.
My father, just three years younger than King, spoke of him both as a good friend and as a genius. His oratory skills were legendary and I'm not simply speaking of his oft-quoted "I Have a Dream" speech. If there was an opportunity to hear King preach, you took that opportunity. His down-home preaching was so good that it made you want to holler and fan yourself at the same time.
I wonder what King, who would have been 70 this year, would make of the country in 1999? He would notice the national holiday and all of the streets named after him, but I imagine he would not be impressed. King was a man of substance. Stamps, holidays and streets were not in his master plan.
King advocated for diversity, for an end to discrimination. His "dream" has not come to fruition. But neither are we in the nightmare that some might suggest. A lot of people simply "talk the talk" rather than "walk the walk" around the diversity King dreamed of. Many of us spend the majority of our time with people who look like us rather than those who may reflect the diversity of which we speak.
So, I will honor the anniversary of King's birth as I did even in the years before it became a federal holiday. I will shed tears over the loss of a great man and a philosopher. I will rue the lack of knowledge that most have of his life and legacy. And I will offer a not-so-silent prayer that the best way to honor King is by listening or reading some of his speeches and by "walking the walk" of diversity. Actions do speak louder than words.
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